A reminder that as the US continues to threaten countries around the world, fedposting is to be very much avoided (even with qualifiers like “in Minecraft”) and comments containing it will be removed.

Image is of Iranian speedboats spotted by a satellite in the Strait of Hormuz.


Not terribly much has happened in the last week. The main two developments is the very much expected resumption of fire in Lebanon as the ZIonists are famously agreement-incapable, and the continuing supply of equipment to the Middle East, including the George H.W. Bush aircraft carrier. This means there are now three aircraft carriers in the general vicinity, and while I’m uncertain how much of a role the burnt-out Ford and the increasingly exhausted Lincoln will ultimately play (they were rather ineffective during the first round), there are also a good ~20 destroyers and however many submarines that are carrying their own munitions. I have a couple more paragraphs of exposition below, but it’s unlikely to be major news to anybody here, so I’ve spoilered it.

spoiler

On the one hand, it feels like a resumption of the war for the US at this point would be complete madness. We are getting article after article from even the Western media admitting to US standoff+interceptor missile shortages, as well as detailing the extensive damage to US bases. The Zionists are also getting ever more mired in Lebanon, with Hezbollah’s unjammable fibre optic drones playing an ever more prominent role in causing substantial long range damage to invading forces. On the other hand, it is very unlikely that most of the US’s remaining firepower is being brought to the region on a mere bluff. For its part, Iran and their allies seem to have their finger on the trigger, with their own extensive repairs, upgrades, resupplies, and adjustments having been made for round two.

Assessing the overall global economic situation is difficult, not least because of a degree of financial manipulation that is almost admirable in its sheer scale and recklessness - to quote Ghalibaf: “Their frontline is the yield curve.” Multiple countries are now facing real and desperate shortages, including major economies like Japan. Diesel prices continue their record rises, and reports about the potential impacts to all sectors of the global economy are streaming in, with famines around the world now very likely. While the US is profiting from the rise in oil prices, it seems like it will be unable to meaningfully increase production for at least a year or two, and so the US will certainly not be replacing the massive oil barrel deficit to create an energy hegemony, as some have suggested. In contrary: this is the best opportunity in a generation for China, Russia, and Iran to collectively make economic decisions that could cripple entire pillars of American hegemony. However, if the response is lacking - and we’ve all seen before over the last four years how China’s responses to crises have been on the lacking side - we could see a (albeit temporary) strengthening of the US’s financial power, as this global crisis will almost certainly result in debt climbing even higher as Western financial institutions grant loans en masse to struggling countries in the developing world. It’s very uncertain times.

Last week’s thread is here.
The Imperialism Reading Group is here.

Please check out the RedAtlas!

The bulletins site is here. Currently not used.
The RSS feed is here. Also currently not used.

The Zionist Entity's Genocide of Palestine

If you have evidence of Zionist crimes and atrocities that you wish to preserve, there is a thread here in which to do so.

Sources on the fighting in Palestine against the temporary Zionist entity. In general, CW for footage of battles, explosions, dead people, and so on:

UNRWA reports on the Zionists’ destruction and siege of Gaza and the West Bank.

English-language Palestinian Marxist-Leninist twitter account. Alt here.
English-language twitter account that collates news.
Arab-language twitter account with videos and images of fighting.
English-language (with some Arab retweets) Twitter account based in Lebanon. - Telegram is @IbnRiad.
English-language Palestinian Twitter account which reports on news from the Resistance Axis. - Telegram is @EyesOnSouth.
English-language Twitter account in the same group as the previous two. - Telegram here.

Mirrors of Telegram channels that have been erased by Zionist censorship.

Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Examples of Ukrainian Nazis and fascists
Examples of racism/euro-centrism during the Russia-Ukraine conflict

Sources:

Defense Politics Asia’s youtube channel and their map. Their youtube channel has substantially diminished in quality but the map is still useful.
Moon of Alabama, which tends to have interesting analysis. Avoid the comment section.
Understanding War and the Saker: reactionary sources that have occasional insights on the war.
Alexander Mercouris, who does daily videos on the conflict. While he is a reactionary and surrounds himself with likeminded people, his daily update videos are relatively brainworm-free and good if you don’t want to follow Russian telegram channels to get news. He also co-hosts The Duran, which is more explicitly conservative, racist, sexist, transphobic, anti-communist, etc when guests are invited on, but is just about tolerable when it’s just the two of them if you want a little more analysis.
Simplicius, who publishes on Substack. Like others, his political analysis should be soundly ignored, but his knowledge of weaponry and military strategy is generally quite good.
On the ground: Patrick Lancaster, an independent and very good journalist reporting in the warzone on the separatists’ side.

Unedited videos of Russian/Ukrainian press conferences and speeches.

Pro-Russian Telegram Channels:

Again, CW for anti-LGBT and racist, sexist, etc speech, as well as combat footage.

https://t.me/aleksandr_skif ~ DPR’s former Defense Minister and Colonel in the DPR’s forces. Russian language.
https://t.me/Slavyangrad ~ A few different pro-Russian people gather frequent content for this channel (~100 posts per day), some socialist, but all socially reactionary. If you can only tolerate using one Russian telegram channel, I would recommend this one.
https://t.me/s/levigodman ~ Does daily update posts.
https://t.me/patricklancasternewstoday ~ Patrick Lancaster’s telegram channel.
https://t.me/gonzowarr ~ A big Russian commentator.
https://t.me/rybar ~ One of, if not the, biggest Russian telegram channels focussing on the war out there. Actually quite balanced, maybe even pessimistic about Russia. Produces interesting and useful maps.
https://t.me/epoddubny ~ Russian language.
https://t.me/boris_rozhin ~ Russian language.
https://t.me/mod_russia_en ~ Russian Ministry of Defense. Does daily, if rather bland updates on the number of Ukrainians killed, etc. The figures appear to be approximately accurate; if you want, reduce all numbers by 25% as a ‘propaganda tax’, if you don’t believe them. Does not cover everything, for obvious reasons, and virtually never details Russian losses.
https://t.me/UkraineHumanRightsAbuses ~ Pro-Russian, documents abuses that Ukraine commits.

Pro-Ukraine Telegram Channels:

Almost every Western media outlet.
https://discord.gg/projectowl ~ Pro-Ukrainian OSINT Discord.
https://t.me/ice_inii ~ Alleged Ukrainian account with a rather cynical take on the entire thing.


  • test_ [none/use name]@hexbear.net
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    part 2
    What Capitalism Does When Scarcity Disappears

    There is a recurring move in industries where technology fails to provide the natural moat the financial structure assumed. The move is to manufacture scarcity through means other than the technology itself. American capitalism, despite its mythology, is unusually good at this. It has done it in pharmaceuticals, where patents and FDA exclusivity create monopolies the molecule alone could not. It has done it in finance, where regulatory complexity creates barriers to entry the underlying business of lending does not. It has done it in telecom, where spectrum allocation and right-of-way agreements substitute for technological superiority that competitive carriers would otherwise force.

    The pattern is reliable enough to be predictable. When a technology produces something that wants to be a commodity, capital does not gracefully accept commodity returns. It reaches for three tools, in roughly this order. First, regulatory enclosure — using the policy apparatus to manufacture exclusion the market does not provide. Second, vertical integration — moving up or down the stack to capture margins the immediate product can no longer command. Third, bundled distribution — leveraging adjacent monopolies (cloud, ad networks, app stores, payment rails) to gate access to the commodity layer beneath.

    All three of these tools are now being rehearsed in the U.S. AI sector. They are being rehearsed because the technology is producing a commodity, and the capital structure cannot survive a commodity. They will be deployed because the financial commitments are too large to walk away from. They will be deployed regardless of what is best for the user, because that is not what capital is selecting for at this stage of the cycle.

    Three Predictions for the U.S. Direction

    What that looks like in practice is a set of moves over the next eighteen to thirty-six months, mostly without legislation, mostly through the slow accumulation of advisories, procurement guidelines, and corporate practice. Three are likely enough to bet on.

    1. Regulatory enclosure dressed as security.

    The first move is the cheapest one. Chinese-origin open-weight models will be reframed as supply-chain risks — language already worn smooth by years of Huawei, ZTE, and DJI debate. The model card itself will be described as a vector for embedded behavior, the inference deployment as a potential exfiltration channel, the training data as suspect. None of those concerns are entirely without foundation. None of them are the actual reason for the policy. The actual reason is that the open-weight models are commoditizing capability the closed labs have already booked into their valuations.

    The advisories will harden into procurement restrictions for federal agencies, then for federal contractors, then for critical infrastructure. Major U.S. cloud providers, watching the regulatory weather, will quietly delist Chinese-origin model endpoints from their managed services. The framing will not, at first, target individual developers running Qwen or DeepSeek weights on their own machines. But the institutional path of least resistance — for any cloud, any enterprise, any compliance officer — will be to treat Chinese-origin weights as the path that loses you contracts. That is enclosure achieved without a single new statute.

    2. The labs become the operators.

    The second move is the one the labs are already making, quietly and without much commentary. If selling the model produces commodity returns, the lab moves up the stack and sells the work the model does. The frontier capability runs internally; the customer-facing product is the output of that capability — legal research, software, drug discovery, financial analysis, whatever vertical the lab can structure into a service. The lab captures the operator’s margin instead of the tool vendor’s, and there is no tool to sell at any price.

    From the capital structure’s perspective, this is the cleanest path. From the user’s perspective, it is the worst one. The lab is no longer trying to make the model accessible; it is trying to make the model inaccessible to the user’s competitors, which includes the user. Vertical integration substitutes a margin the lab can defend (the operator’s) for one it cannot (the tool vendor’s). It is a rational move under capital pressure. It is also a structural retreat from the open ecosystem the original mission rhetoric described.

    3. The market splits.

    The third move is what happens to the rest of the world. U.S. domestic users — consumers, indie developers, mid-market companies — get the closed-frontier pricing the capital structure requires, with limited legal access to the open alternatives that would otherwise compete with it. The rest of the world routes around U.S. rails. European, Indian, Singaporean, and Latin American developers build on whichever combination of open and hosted endpoints sits in the cleanest jurisdiction. The U.S. closed-frontier business retains its margin in its protected market and loses share in every other market on Earth, on a multi-decade arc that mirrors the auto industry exactly.

    The arithmetic is not subtle. The U.S. is roughly four percent of the world’s population and perhaps fifteen percent of its consumer-facing technology market. Building a capital structure that requires the U.S. domestic market to absorb monopoly-grade rents, while accepting that the other eighty-five percent will route around the wall, is a strategy that produces excellent five-year balance sheets and disastrous twenty-year competitive positions. It is, nonetheless, the strategy. It is the one the capital flow already implies.


    The Auto Mirror

    There is a clean historical analogue. In 1980, U.S. domestic automakers controlled roughly 80% of the U.S. light-vehicle market. By 2024 that share was below 40%, and the global share was lower still. The arc of decline does not correlate with the absence of policy support. It correlates almost perfectly with the presence of it. Voluntary export restraints in the 1980s, repeated bailouts, and most recently a 100% tariff designed to keep BYD out of North America — none of those interventions reversed the trend. They lengthened it. The wall produced exactly what walls produce: protected margins, protected complacency, and a foreign competitor that compounded its advantage in every other market while the U.S. consumer paid more for less at home.

    The same mechanism applies to AI. A walled domestic market lets the closed labs sustain the pricing the capital structure assumes. The protected balance sheets produce a generation of product that does not need to compete on cost. The open ecosystem outside the U.S. continues to compound. The gap between the protected industry and the global standard widens — in the wrong direction. By the time the wall is reconsidered, the protected industry no longer has a competitive product to bring outside of it.

    The wall protects the producer. It does not protect the product. Twenty years on, the producer cannot compete without the wall, because the wall is what stopped them from learning to.


    Who Pays

    As with every protectionist regime, the cost lands on parties without lobbyists. Four cohorts come out behind.

    • U.S. consumers and small developers — pay closed-frontier pricing for capability the rest of the world buys at commodity rates, with limited legal recourse to the open alternatives.
    • U.S. independent developers and startups — either eat the closed-API premium, take architectural risk on a politically vulnerable open-weight stack, or relocate workloads to offshore endpoints. None of those options is free.
    • U.S. closed-frontier labs themselves, on a long enough horizon — engineering and pricing discipline come only from competition. The protected producer eventually loses the ability to compete in the markets it isn’t in.
    • U.S. influence over the global AI ecosystem — every developer who routes around the wall does so on infrastructure outside U.S. control, and brings the relationships with them.

    The beneficiaries are narrow and known. U.S. closed-frontier labs gain a margin window measured in years rather than decades. U.S. cloud providers extract some rent from compliance complexity. The capital that funded the build gets to mark its commitments at something other than zero. The political class earns a security narrative that polls well in election cycles. None of the beneficiaries are the median user. None of them are the median developer. None of them are the long-term competitive position of the country itself.


    What To Do About It

    The defensive move and the offensive move are the same move. There is a window in which the open commons remains accessible, and that window is open today. Three positionings make sense while it remains open.

    • Build on the commons. Run open weights now, on infrastructure you control, for the workloads that pay for themselves today. The closed-frontier APIs remain useful for the very top of the capability curve, but the architecture should treat them as substitutable, not foundational.
    • Architect for jurisdictional flexibility. The same compliance pressure that will eventually push Chinese open weights out of U.S. clouds will push U.S. workloads into European, Indian, and Singaporean endpoints. That is not a contingency; it is an architectural concern. Plan for it now, while the migration is voluntary.
    • Treat the policy clock as part of the stack. The window between freely deployable open-weight models and open-weight models restricted to compliant entities under a guidance document is shorter than the design cycle of most production systems. Anything mission-critical built on the assumption of permanent open access to current-generation Chinese weights is a trapdoor.
    • test_ [none/use name]@hexbear.net
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      (short, didn’t quite fit in 2 parts)

      part 3
      The Closing Frame

      American capitalism is unusually good at allocation and unusually poor at abundance. When a technology produces commodity capability, the U.S. capital structure does not gracefully reorganize around the new economics. It reaches for the policy levers that can manufacture the scarcity the technology has stopped providing. This is not a moral failing. It is a structural consequence of how the system finances itself. The same dynamic that made it possible to fund a trillion dollars of AI infrastructure on the back of a monopoly thesis now requires the monopoly to be defended by means other than the underlying technology.

      The collision between that financial logic and the open-weight commons is the central force in the U.S. AI industry over the next decade. The capital structure will fight to manufacture scarcity. The commons will continue to compound. The user — domestic and global — sits in between. The choice the country makes about how heavily to wall the domestic market against the commons will determine whether U.S. AI looks like the U.S. internet sector in 2005 — open, exporting, dominant — or like the U.S. auto industry in 2025 — protected, exporting nothing, durably uncompetitive.

      That is the actual question. Not whether open weights threaten frontier labs, because they obviously do. Not whether the labs and their capital partners will reach for protection, because they obviously will. The question is whether the country that hosts that fight chooses to subsidize the moat or the commons. So far, the choice is going one way.

      The moat or the commons. American capital prefers the first. American consumers, developers, and long-term competitiveness need the second. The next decade resolves which preference the policy follows.